At the national-religious chain

With the jerking to the wall, Israel’s Prime Minister Ariel Scharon wants to continue, despite the violent resistance of the settlers and the right against his separation plan as before

The author is founded, the tarpaulin ready for the securities payments: On high prere Israel’s administration works on the room of 21 settlements in the Gaza Strip and four other in the northern West Jordand. But Israel’s rights are determined not to accept this without a resistance, and let their muscles play: On Sunday, more than 100 formed.000 people a chain of Jerusalem to Gaza before the same evening 1.000 Likud members came to a protest event – among them almost half the half of the parliamentary group. So heated is the mood now that security experts fired, the extremists in the right bearing could reach violence when Sharon does not give up his plan.

Tischa B’AW is a fasting day, which is usually perceived by most Israelis only as an arrangement: restaurants, pubs, cinemas must remain closed by law, while the rest of the public life goes on as usual. The mood is mostly protected by a mixture of disinterest and deserator boredom.

That this day, in the religious Jews disasters and persecutions, was also experienced this year also from the sacular publicity with tensioned expectation, is a result of the separation plan, which israel’s head of government Ariel Scharon is forced. In the course of the month’s debate on the planned settlement rooms, the right opponents Gaza have highly discussed into an integral part of Israel and the space to expulsion of primeval raids of Judian Country. At some point there has become an incoming Holocaust, the first national-religious rabbi decided that it is the duty of every Jew to prevent this, and thus render the rendering in politicians and security bodies, some of the trigger opponents could continue the argument chain – up to that Point on which one grabs to the weapon. In the faith, it is allowed to prevent worse – as in November 1995, as the religious Jigal Amir dignified the then Prime Minister Jitzhak Rabin because he had approved the troop of the Palastic areas.

"We have the people, we have logistics, we have the truth on our side"

So the atmosphere was curious when the religious Jews moved to tens of thousands on Tuesday to commit the Tischa B’AW of the year 5764 there. Fear, Judian extremists were able to use the day to make an equally symbolic as a bloody point, the government had been launched around the Temple Mount several thousand soldiers and policemen who awarded a unreal character to the events. As the people of the wall spoke their prayers, often rage the silent mourning that dominates this day. The request for preservation before a nearby catastrophe was also uplowered by relatively ultra-Orthodox sects, which reject the concept of a Judian state: the religious ban on land is universal. And has today, the otherwise heavily fragmented and often-enemied Orthodox currents of Judaism.

But the organizers of resistance need more than this – to have success, they also need the support of many Sakular Israelis. Harly, the Siedler Council Jescha is therefore working to build bridges to the Israeli society in which the settlers are often seen as a minority that represents many claims and contribute little.

So Jescha created a 90-kilometer human chain from the Temple Mount in Jerusalem in an organizational masterpiece in Jerusalem in an organizational masterpiece in Jerusalem to the Settlement Block Katif in the Gaza Strip, almost lubrication made of more than 100.000 Conservative and rights Israelis, which, combines in their rejection of the planned room Gaza, in point 19 o’clock the national anthem Hatikwah (hope) sang.

"We have the people, we have logistics, we have the truth on our site: Gaza is as part of the nation as Jerusalem", said the Jescha chairman Bentzi Liberman and avoided in his exercise those Hebra’s words for truth and nation, which include a religious or nationalist connotation. For good reason, says Uri Glickman from the newspaper Ma’ariv:

This action was more to the population than to the address of the government. So far, the front of the rejection is almost complete on the rights. In order to be permanently wearable, it has to be a real popular movement.

It is very conceivable: as an Israel’s conservative Premier Menachem Begin in the end of the 1970s aged the Sinai Peninsula in Egypt, many Social Democrats had rejected this step.

The emergence of national-religious policy

But at that time the starting situation had been another: Begin, who became the first conservative in the history of the State of Government in 1977, was a global appendine of the idea of coarse-Israel, which on the basis of a proposal submitted to the Zionist World Congress 1918 of the British Mandate Power In addition to today’s Israeli territory, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, almost exactly the half of Jordan, as well as parts of Syria and Lebanon should have. This template was fundamentally based on economic motives alone – the boundaries of the holy country in the biblical sense are largely unknown today.

It is certain, however, that in none of the Sinai is included, the Israel has stopped since 1956. The task of the peninsula thus caused neither Begin nor the most right crude head break. Resistance on this side of the political spectrum was only from those Israelis, who lived in the settlement of Jamit in the northeast of Sinai – and that was quickly broken: Ariel Sharon, then Defense Minister, sweet to blow the synagogue of the village. At the worker party, however, was criticized, which until then, as an enfant terrible of Israeli politics, began to sit in his pursuit of being recognized as a statesman, the security of the state to the game.

Gaza, however, is certain for the rights certainly part of coarse-Israel and was probably at least partially part of the holy country. Although the Likud block had briefly painted the concept of Grob-Israel in 1973, which was never consensus in society, but then established himself from his platform, but then quickly established a wide blockiness as a glossy of the status created in six days war Quo, during which, originated by the ruling workers’ party, which formed settler movement and formulated their own ideological substructure.

Her political home found the settlers in the national-religious party, which was the decades of faithful coalition partners of the Social Democrats, until there was a fear of an affare in 1976, which until today as "Clever company" is known: Jitzhak Rabin, who was at that time for the first time head of government, had received a delivery of American fighters on Saturday and the NRP responded to her protest against the injury of the Schabbat tranquility, they konne go, "Where the pepper grows". That’s the party then also helped the Likud in 1977 and made sure he remained there until 1991. Through this symbiosis, the pursuit of preservation of the status quo received a national-religious substructure, which resulted in quite rapidly that the boundaries of coarse-Israel and those of the holy country began to cover the right to the rights.

This also had an impact on the self-mortal of the settler movement: many of those who were once moved to Gaza or to the West Bank to provide them with their mostly strategically placed settlements for safety in the heartland, inspired by the immigration of religious fanatics, their Contributing own role: From the stranger home, from the temporary presence in the occupied territory, the eternal Prasence in the Stammland.

In the politics, in the 70s, in the 70s, a phase of fragment, which continues to date: In Knessenh, more and more factions were sitting with less and less sitting and made the folk parties, which were mostly on a just a small majority, deposited from the Demands of their often only one or two seats strong coalition partners. Since 1977 there was hardly a government that was not at least a right or religious faction involved. Prime Minister, the land tasks, mostly fell as a later than Father: Benjamin Netanyahu (Likud), who had agreed to the troop deduction from Hebron, had to sit prematurely in 1999; Ehud Barak (Workers’ Party), which had made the palatinians until then unknowledged constituents, started at the end of 2000 after he had ruled for almost six months without a solid majority.

Sharon in notes

Even head of government Ariel Scharon blows the wind with full force in the face: barely the human chain had lost on Sunday, met in the conference room of a Jerusalem Hotel 1.000 Likud members to print out their rejection of separation plan and government entry of the workers’ party, which just negotiated the Sharon – at the invitation of Aufeister Silvan Schalom, which also two of his ministerial colleagues and 15 deputies, ie almost half of the 40 MPs strong parliamentary group , had brought: "We have to save the Likud by preserving his foundations, his traditional way", called Shalom in allusion to the traditional Likud role as a glosser of the status quo.

However, the Prime Minister himself had unimpressed on Sunday evening: "I will continue to work on the implementation of the separation plan, because it is clear that Israel can not maintain its prasence in Gaza in the long run", he says against army officers. There is not a single carrying political plan that provides for control of all palastic areas:

All my government has reached so far is a result of my plan.

Nevertheless, the Likud Assembly has direct impact on Sharon’s political options. After the Prime Minister could only have his separation plan through the Cabinet, by though he threw his right coalition partners from the government, he now has to look for a new majority. Forest, the head of government was a rough coalition from Likud, Workers Party and the Liberal Schinui. But because of the Likud deviater, Scharon were still missing four votes to the majority. Similarly, it looked when workers’ party and the religious casting group took place at the cabinet table: Schinui was then permanently left the room and the 18 Likud deputies still fail the head of government.

Scharon does not leave any doubt: no matter if with or without a solid majority – voluntarily he will not spaces his chair, at least not until Gaza is lumined. As for the disengagement plan, it is certainly a majority in parliament: the Arab parties and the Left factions will vote Darfur, if the plan of the Knesset is expected to be submitted in October for ratification. That his own party stands in front of the cleavage seems to be a pretty no matter.

Sharon, a former general, was once a consultant for security ies of the first Rabin government before moving to Likud in 1976 – together with the former prasident Eser Weizman, which, however, only two years later returned to the workers’ party. The premier is said to be inside and outside his party, he hardly shares a value or a vision of the Likud and have joined him only because of its security-political attitude; he herself is covered in this question. It is possible but quite, says Dr. Colin Shindler, expert for the Israeli rights at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London:

Scharon still sees himself as a general rack; His policy is interpreted by military thinking. So he first sustained as a militar, later as a politician, the occupation and settlement policy, as long as he was convinced of their strategic benefit, and did not shook back at the beginning of the 80s before designing a new-weat plan that the establishment of a puppet government in Lebanon and the occupation of parts of Syria and Jordan.

Just as unscrupulous, but for this hitherto sovered, he now put his separation plan – "because he has come to the conclusion that the occupation of the Gaza Strip does not create security, but on the contrary creates uncertainty."

According to the Politologist Jonathan Levine, who deals with the settler movement, this was also surprised by this development as his own party: Sharon, which was prohibited after the massacres in the escape ware camps Sabra and Schatila in the early 1980s, ever again the post of Defense Minister, have been considered as a hardliner and secure cantonist in settlement ies: "Many are therefore betrayed."

With the realization that Sharon can not only be stopped, but that the tarpaulin now accept concrete figure for the space, the taxable will seem to rise. "Up to 200 Jews", reported AVI Dichter, the director of the domestic intelligence service Schin Beth, two weeks ago a K K K K K K Kubenz, expected "Active the death of the Prime Minister". In the past week, there was also evidence that extremists want to abandon an airplane over the Temple mountain, so as to create the separation plan for all times out of the way – exercises that the settler council of Jescha as "Cheap attempt to discredit the room opponents", designated.

Nevertheless, there was already the first surprised: Last week, a rabbi was attacked in Jerusalem, who had the room to walk well. The head of a newly created authority to direct the implementation of the plan in ordered trains has since its appointment of dozens of death threats.

But not all settlers are disclosed to the upcoming room: According to official information, the second-time families have already inquired about the modalities for the securities payments and alternative homes in the heartland. Around two dozen had already filed a party.

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